National Prestige and Instinctive Pride

National Prestige and Instinctive Pride

The facts that make family/native honour upon the maintenance of the ages to be sustainable Buddha’s religion with our own umbrella, own palace, own throne in the Shwedagon Pagoda
Donation of The New Holy Umbrealla (Htee) of King Mindon

Htee (the holy umbrella) of Shwedagon Pagoda which was dedicated to Shwedagon Pagoda in 1775, was 95 years old and deteriorated, so they consulted to donate a new umbrella. However, they could not complete it with their own strength, they applied to Mindon, King of Mandalay. The King accepted rejoicefully and replied to donate a new one on December 26th in 1869. In the record of historians in the West have written about Mindon King’s agreement for donation that although this is the desire of the Buddhist Burmese people to unite under their King, the British authorities allowed the ceremony on the specific understanding that the King himself would not be present. Concerning that there would be political confusion in the case of King Mindon’s donation of his holy umbrella, the British government did not allow both the Myanmar King himself or representative to attend the official coronation of the holy crowning ceremony, and they let officer U Ohnn supervise the ceremony. On November 26th, the entire crown (Htee) including the diamond bub (Sein Phoo), vane was successfully donated.
Although the person who dedicated the holy umbrella of the Shwedagon Pagoda was Mindon King, the citizens of Yangon made donations and offered it all around, showing that the administrative influence of the country is in the hands of the colonial authorities, but the social influence and cultural influence are hidden even in the traditional heritage buildings like the Shwedagon Pagoda.
The people of Burma had partially lost their freedom because of the management of King Mindon’s donation to Shwedagon Pagoda and to be able to receive the name of the donator for the King. Although they live separately under two governments, they work together in matters of religion and belief. In other words, the people of “upper and lower” Myanmar are in different environments in physical life, but in mentally they are inseparable.

Becoming A Base Camp of Modern Burma's Imperialist Revolution

Shwedagon Pagoda is like “the social center of Myanmar” where the different kinds of social life of Myanmar people are concentrated. Because of establishment of _ government’s jobs, department stores, foreign trade activities, banks, science colleges in the modern city of Yangon, the state of the whole country is being controlled in Yangon alone.
At this time, workers, farmer, merchant, broker, clerk, government servants, students have emerged from different layer of classes in Myanmar’s society. Among them, they are of various ethnicities such as Burma, Mon, Kachin, Karen, Kayin, Chin, Shan. Most of them are Buddhists or people who are closely related to Buddhist culture.
Colonialism; under the rule of the English government, they live and work as they should, but they are not negligent. Under the colonial system, being able to learn about the administration that is included in the modern living system, politics, exposure to business; learning modern technology; gaining international experience, etc., created to widen the existing awareness of Myanmar people.
People started to shout the slogan “Nation, Religion, Knowledge” to the wise and thoughtful leaders for the country. If they hear these slogans, they will deliberate about the country’s matter. At that time, the entire country must have been “broke the umbrella and brick” lost their country for 20-30 years. Living under the protection of the Shwedagon Pagoda, in the mind of the modern Burmese people, the power of governing the country is in the hands of the British government, but the social power and cultural influence are still present even in traditional heritage buildings such as Shwedagon Pagoda.
Therefore, according to Burmese cultural traditions, everyone who visits the enshrined Shwedagon Pagoda, must take off their shoes/footwears. In the eyes of the Burmese people, those who visit without taking off their shoes are really rude and unforgiveable.
In addition, people make objection and condemnation the fact that military troops are stationed closing one of the entrances, and military graves were made and buried in the platform of Shwedagon pagoda where Myanmar people are supposed to be able to visit the pagoda freely. Then, associations were logically established in accordance with the needs of the times to carry the benefit of the country. Among them, the Young Men’s Buddhist Association (YMBA), founded in 1906, was the first association to emerge. Those associations started to work under the influence of parents, teachers, monks. They made a decision against the imperialist. When they took strike on imperialist-dominated factories, strike camps were even opened in Shwedagon Pagoda Square. They began to sing the “Doh Burma Song” on the hilltop, which was a rallying cry to against the imperialist government.
Later, it became known that the area around Shwedagon Hill was a stronghold of the imperialist revolution. Independence of the country; anti-imperialism, are political work. Politics also include in social. Therefore, it has to be said that the Shwedagon Pagoda became a social bastion and cultural bastion of Burmese against the imperialists.

Colonial Student Strikes and Shwedagon Pagoda

The student strikes that occurred throughout the colonial period started at Yangon University and included students from all over the country. Every student movement strike is related to Shwedagon Pagoda in one way or another.
The university student strikes are forms such as structurally opposed to the shortcomings of the University education law; opposition to the actions of university authorities; response to actions taken against students; joint activities with Wang Thanu organizations; demands on administrative systems but in reality, they are movements for anti-imperialism and national liberation. It let the whole nation open the eyes and strengthen the unity among each other. And also, it makes patriotism more alive and smarter. The main university strikes were the first University strike in 1920; the second University strike that occurred in 1936 and the third university strike that took place in 1938 in the Burmese 1300 revolution.
1920: First University Strike
The University Law passed by the Myanmar Legislative Council on August 28, 1920 came into effect on December 1, 1920. It is only comforting to the Burmese people who requested to establish the independent University without domination of Calcutta University in India, by merging the two Yangon Colleges and Judathan Colleges to form Yangon University. It is the university law that restricts higher education and only British officials control University administration and teaching. On December 3, 1920, two days after the law of Yangon University came into force, (11) senior students from Yangon University, K Nyi Pait, Htun Win, Phe Thein, Ba Khin, Ba Shin (Dawei), Bishin (Thandwe), Ba Oo, Bo Kun, Hla Tin, Maung Ae, Aung Din met at Shwedagon Square’s Saturday Corner and decided to boycott the Yangon University Law and pledged allegiance. At the place where these (11) senior university students met and decided to go on strike and took a pledge of allegiance, a historical monument has been erected at the west corner of Shwedagon Pagoda Square, inscribed with the names of the (11) university students who started the first student strike in 1920.
About 600 students from Yangon College and Judathan College attended a meeting at U Ariya Monastery at about 3:00 pm on December 4th, on December 5th, 1920 on the 10th of 1282, Tazaungmone wane, they unanimously decided to start boycotting the Yangon University Law. Later, that day became a National Day according to the criteria of general selection at the meeting of the GCBA Association.
The first university student strike of 1920 spread throughout the country. University students did not go back to school, but national schools were opened all over the country. This had to strengthen the ideology and wisdom of the whole nation and lead to independence with a high speed of anti-imperialism.
1936: Second university strike
The second university student strike started on February 25, 1936. The cause of the incident was a letter to the editor of Oh Wei magazine No. 1 published by the University Student Union, with the title “The Hell Hound At Large” written by Ko Nyo Mya under the pen name Yama Min. It is a letter warning that there is a large black dog running rampant in the campus of the University of Humanity, and that the person who found the spirit of the dog that escaped from Awisi (eighth and nethermost level of the eight levels of principal purgatories) should return it to Awisi as soon as possible. The principal of the university asked Aung San, the editor of Oh Wei magazine, to identify the person named Yama Min, as it appeared that he was referring to a university authority that oppressed patriotic students. Ko Aung San replied that according to the custom of the press, he was not allowed to speak. After that, the president of the University Student Union, Ko Nu, was expelled from the university. He received the dismissal letter on February 21, 1936. This is because in the debate held on January 31st in that academic year of the University, the union president Ko Nu added to the speech that some University authorities were interfering with the privacy of students. Just as Ko Nu was expelled from the school, the news spread that Ko Aung San was about to be expelled from the school. Therefore, on February 23, 1936, an executive meeting of the University Student Union was called to discuss the issue of expulsion. After that, the executive meeting called a meeting of the students on February 25, 1936. About 800 students attended the meeting and went on strike to express their dissatisfaction with the repression by the University authorities. The strike office was opened in Mawlamyin Zayat (resthouse) near Shwedagon Pagoda. Yangon and the entire country’s high school also went on strike. Later, it became a general student strike. The strike council sent 12 points to the university authorities, including some university laws; some corrections in education. Therefore, the government had to form a committee to investigate the university strike, led by the Vice Chancellor, and a committee to advise on the amendment of the University law, led by Sir Mya Buu. Hence, on March 10, 1936, they called off the strike.
The Third University Strike of 1938 (The 1300 Revolution)
On January 8, 1938, a large-scale labor strike by oil field workers in Chauk began, marking the start of one of the most significant anti-colonial movements during the colonial period. This year coincided with the Myanmar calendar year 1300, and the revolution was thus referred to as the “1300 Revolution.” This major uprising involved workers, farmers, students, political organizations like the Dobama Asiayone (We Burmese Association), government employees, and people from various walks of life, spreading across the entire country. University students also actively participated in this major revolution, leading to the involvement of students from all over the country and resulting in a general student strike. This is why it is referred to as the Third University Strike. Historically, it is prominently known as the 1300 Revolution.
On January 8, 1938, a strike began at the Chauk oil fields, sparked by the BOC (Burmah Oil Company) disciplining a mechanic named U Khin for taking leave. The strike at Chauk quickly spread to Yenanchat, Lanywar, and Yenanchaung. Despite various efforts by the British government and the BOC to suppress the strike, they were unsuccessful. The workers’ demands were not addressed, leading to a strike lasting over 11 months. Consequently, they decided to march to Yangon to express their grievances. On November 30, 1938, a large contingent of oil field workers set out from Chauk.
The march was led by U Ba Hlaing and other labor leaders. By December 4, 1938, they had reached Magway, and their numbers had grown to between 10,000 and 10,500. The British government attempted to stop the march violently. Members of the Dobama Asiayone (We Burmese Association) and student leaders joined to support the workers and held rallies and speeches in protest. The British government also took action against the student leaders.
On December 12, 1938, the oil field workers continued their march, reaching Pyay on December 20. On the same day, a strike by university students occurred in Yangon. The students were protesting against the arrest of student leaders Ko Hein and Ko Ba Swe in Magway. When they demonstrated in front of the Secretariat Office, the colonial government responded with brutal force, using horses to trample and batons to beat the students. As a result, Aung Kyaw, a student from Judson College, was killed, and many others were injured. This sparked a general student strike across the entire country, with students from various regions joining in solidarity.
Farmers from the Bago and Yangon regions also marched to Yangon. On January 8, 1939, the oil field workers reached Yangon, where they joined forces with other groups. They all converged at the Shwedagon Pagoda, holding mass rallies, making decisions, voicing demands, and chanting slogans in protest. This movement led to numerous factory and workplace strikes in Yangon and throughout the country. In Mandalay, students, monks, and civilians joined forces to stage strikes and protests. The colonial government’s violent crackdown resulted in the deaths of 17 students, monks, and civilians. The 1300 Revolution was the largest anti-colonial movement, involving significant sacrifices. Its impact was substantial, leading to the fall of Dr. Ba Maw’s coalition government. Workers’ grievances were addressed, and reforms were made to improve the conditions for laborers. Land laws for farmers were also revised. National labor and farmers’ unions emerged. Politically, the country became more awakened and unified in its pursuit of independence.

The Issue of Wearing Shoes on the Shwedagon Pagoda Platform

During the colonial period, two significant issues arose between the Burmese people and the colonial government concerning the Shwedagon Pagoda. These issues were the opening of the western entrance and the wearing of shoes on the pagoda platform. Although the colonial government did not consider these matters to be significant, for the Burmese people, they were deeply important and related to their religious beliefs and cultural respect.

The Issue of Wearing Shoes on the Pagoda Platform
In the relationship between the Burmese and foreigners, two notable issues related to wearing shoes have arisen. The first shoe-related issue involved foreign envoys visiting the royal court. Like other high-ranking officials and military officers, these envoys were required to remove their shoes and kneel in the presence of the Burmese king.
The second shoe-related issue was deeply significant to the Burmese, not for social reasons like the first, but for religious reasons. The Burmese traditionally regard removing shoes (or entering barefoot) as a gesture of respect and reverence, especially in sacred spaces such as temples, monasteries, pagodas, and shrines. However, foreigners often wished to wear shoes within these revered areas and sometimes did so.
For instance, in 1796, the English envoy Hiram Cox did not ascend the Shwedagon Pagoda platform because he would have had to remove his shoes. Instead, he stayed at the foot of the pagoda and observed the devotees from there. This act reflected a fundamental cultural clash, as the Burmese viewed removing shoes in sacred spaces as an essential sign of respect and veneration, which was not always understood or observed by foreigners.
In the hearts of the Burmese people, the sight of European administrators and Indian soldiers wearing shoes on the platforms of revered pagodas like the Shwedagon was deeply offensive. In 1818, when Sir Reginald Henry Craddock visited the Shwemawdaw Pagoda in Bago without removing his shoes, news of this incident spread among the populace, causing significant discontent. Local leaders complained to the YMCA in Yangon. U Thein Maung, the secretary of the organization and a devout Buddhist, made efforts to have signs installed at pagodas in Pyay, stating that only Europeans were allowed to wear shoes. When he later moved to Yangon, he continued his campaign to prohibit Europeans from wearing shoes on the Shwedagon Pagoda’s platform.
Secretary U Thein Maung, using the issue of wearing shoes on pagoda platforms, called for a nationwide assembly at Jubilee Hall in Yangon on May 9, 1918. During this public meeting, a resolution was pronounced for prohibiting shoes wearing on sacred grounds, such as pagoda precincts and monastery lands.
The “no shoes” campaign gained widespread support from Buddhist Burmese people, who strongly opposed foreigners wearing shoes in these holy places. The successful enforcement of this rule not only preserved religious sanctity but also limited the influence of colonial authority, thereby fostering national pride and unity. The Burmese nationalists, through their protest at the Shwedagon Pagoda, achieved a significant victory for the Buddhist faith, which symbolized a notable success for the long-term preservation and respect of their religious heritage.

Relocation of British Military Barracks and Cemeteries

On January 22, 1929, around 7 AM, the British military cemeteries were relocated from the Shwedagon Pagoda grounds to Cantonment as requested by the Burmese Buddhist community. Additionally, between January and May of that year, military installations on the western side of the pagoda were dismantled and moved to Mingaladon. This relocation brought great satisfaction to the Burmese people.
However, in May of the same year, the British government drafted and sent a new grant to the Trustee Board, transferring control of the western side of the Shwedagon Pagoda to them. This new grant-maintained the same conditions as the previous one, stipulating that any alterations or construction on the pagoda grounds required approval from both the military and the Burmese government. The Trustee Board argued on June 2, 1929, that these conditions were no longer relevant since the military barracks and armory were being relocated.
Despite the opposition, by August 27, when the Minister of Home Affairs met with the pagoda trustees, he clarified that only the armory would be relocated, while the barracks would remain on the pagoda grounds. This situation revealed the ongoing tension and the partial success of the Burmese efforts to reclaim their sacred space from colonial military presence.
To be able to hand over the western part of the royal grounds to the treasury department, the stipulated regulations must first be accepted. Although the government has no objections to the proposed plans for the construction of the western corridor, approval can only be granted if the regulations included in the grant are accepted. In response, the treasury officials noted that the statement that the royal grounds are permanently a fortress is a new assertion and very significant. They countered that they had previously understood and believed that everything would be relocated together with the fortress. They also argued that the royal grounds, given the contemporary methods of warfare, could no longer function effectively as a fortress. Maintaining the royal grounds as a fortress contradicts the government’s stated respect for the religious structures and sentiments of the Burmese people. Therefore, the treasury board decided to hold a meeting to discuss and deliberate on the matter before providing an official response, thus postponing their decision.
Petition from the Public
To discuss the matter, the Shwedagon Pagoda Treasury Board held a meeting on September 1, 1929. In that meeting, it was noted that this issue is very important for Buddhists. Although there were many desires to quickly construct and open the western corridor, the board recorded that they could not accept the proposed regulations as they were not satisfactory. It was stipulated that a decision should only be made after consulting with the Buddhist community.
Following this, the Shwedagon Pagoda Treasury Board assigned U Thein Maung, the senior member of the Treasury Board, to consult with the public leaders U Ba Pe (Ba Gyi Ba Pe) and U Maung Gyi, M.A., to gather the opinions of the Buddhists. By the directives of the Treasury Board, U Thain Maung, after consulting with the aforementioned leaders, prepared a document and a set of questions to be circulated to seek the opinions of the public.
Meeting with the English Monarch
Observing the situation, the British government recognized the need for proper management and initiated plans to accommodate the requests related to the Shwedagon Pagoda. Consequently, the proclamation dated November 27, 1929, mentioned in this context, was issued by U Bo Mya, the Secretary of the Treasury Board. This marked the success of an initiative that received widespread support from the entire nation. After nearly 80 years since the Second Anglo-Burmese War, the pagoda, a significant national monument, was liberated from foreign control, bringing great joy and pride to the people of Burma.